How Did Ethnicity And Race Contribute To Changes In The United States In The Late 19th Century

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Authors: ; Ilyin, Ilya V.; Korotayev, Andrey
Almanac: Globalistics and Globalization Studies Global Evolution, Historical Globalistics and Globalization Studies

The paper focuses on the catamenia of increasing and intensified growth of urbani-zation in the nineteenth century. That was the origin of the modern urbanized world. The authors emphasize, however, that in the nineteenth century urbanization was initially vibrant in Europe and the U.s.a.. In other world regions rapid urbanization started more often than not in the twentieth century and led to a tremendous increase of the world urban population from less than 200 million in 1900 to 2.86 billion in 2000.

Keywords: urbanization, cities, Europe, the nineteenth century.

To first with, permit u.s. consider the dynamics of urbanization in the nineteenth century in a broader, millennial perspective (see Fig. ane).

Looking at Fig. ane, one could get the impression that urbanization occurred in the twentieth rather than in the nineteenth century. Indeed, an explosion-like growth of urban population was observed in the twentieth century. However, a closer look at the aforementioned time span in logarithmic scale makes it clear that the previous trend of urban population dynamics started irresolute already in the eighteenth century. The nineteenth century then brought about such rates of urbanization growth as were previously unknown (run into Fig. 2).

The meaning of the nineteenth century in the history of urbanization becomes even more pronounced when one does not look at the absolute number of urban citizens but rather at their proportion in the total world population, i.due east. the urbanization level (see Fig. 3).

The nineteenth century witnessed a dramatic change in the dynamic of urbanization. Even though the early modern time brought about numerous social, political, and economic changes, leading to the emergence of modern-type states, there was only little change of patterns of urbanization if compared with previous centuries. The number of urban dwellers was growing, but this growth ran parallel to the general population growth, and so their proportion in the full population remained about stable. Thus, in Europe the share of urban population (for cities with population of 5,000 and more than) increased only from ten–eleven.5 per cent in 1500 to 12–thirteen per cent in 1700 (Bairoch 1988: 176). Co-ordinate to somewhat lower estimates the level of European urbanization in 1800 was just 10 per cent(de Vries 1984: 45).

In other regions of the world the state of affairs was pretty much the aforementioned, with urbanization levels existence approximately the same equally or even lower than in Europe. In Cathay with its rich history of urban civilization only 6–7.5 per cent of the population resided in cities (population exceeding 5,000 people) in the early nineteenth century (Bairoch 1988: 358). In Nihon about 11–14 per cent of population dwelled in cities in 1700 (Ibid.: 360).

The nineteenth century broke this long-term stability, as the share of world urban population doubled from half dozen.6 per cent in 1800 to 12 per cent in 1900. The growth of urban population significantly outpaced the growth of the world population in general. This allows united states to state that it was namely in the nineteenth century that the modern process of global urbanization began.

However, despite its crucial influence on various spheres of life, the pace of the urban population growth in the nineteenth century should not be exaggerated. It was especially fast in Western Europe, but even here just one country, Great United kingdom, was more or less close to completing the urban transition past the end of the nineteenth century – more than than half of its population resided in cities by 1900. Meanwhile, other European countries had just passed the initial stages of the urbanization process; fifty-fifty the leaders, such equally Belgium and kingdom of the netherlands, had only about one-third of their population dwelling in cities by 1890 (encounter Tabular array i and Fig. 4).

Table one. The share of urban population in various European countries and regions at different time points during the 19^thursday century, %

State/region	1800	1850	1890
England	20.iii	40.eight	61.nine
Belgium	18.9	xx.v	34.five
Deutschland	5.v	10.viii	28.2
France	8.8	14.5	25.9
Spain	11.1	17.three	26.eight
Italy	14.6	20.3	21.2
Holland	28.8	29.5	33.4
Portugal	8.vii	13.2	12.7
Scandinavia	4.half dozen	5.viii	13.ii
Switzerland	3.7	seven.vii	16.0
Total Europe	10	16.seven	29.0

Source: de Vries 1984: 45–46.

Later on 1890 European urbanization accelerated remarkably, and past 1910 the proportion of urban citizens in European population increased to 41 per cent. This was happening against the backdrop of a huge acceleration in the general growth of the population in Europe. As a outcome of these two processes acting together, the overall growth of the accented numbers of metropolis dwellers was truly astonishing – after only a little more than 100 years the city population of Europe rocketed from nineteen million to 127 meg (Bairoch 1988: 217).

This growth was concentrated in large cities and especially the capitals. 'The advantage of size meant growing economic opportunity in the metropolis, especially if it was also the seat of government, where the concentration of labor, entrepreneurship, commerce, credit, and intelligence attracted the restless and ambitious from all classes of order' (Hamerow 1989: 94–95). However, not infrequently the capitals were outpaced past centers of industry and merchandise in attracting new citizens.

In the nineteenth century, big cities were growing all over the world. Notwithstanding, it was in Europe and in the Us that this growth was particularly pronounced (run across Table 2). As a result of this, Europe and the USA profoundly outpaced other world regions in terms of urbanization, and we come across a major reconfiguration of the global distribution of the world largest cities. This phenomenon is conspicuously visible when comparing the listing of thirty largest cities of the world in 1800 with that in 1914 (meet Table 3).

Table 2. Absolute (thousands) and relative (%) population growth in 1800–1914 in 30 largest (as of 1914) cities of the globe

	City	Absolute population growth during the nineteen thursday century, thousands	Relative population growth during the 19 th century, % (population in 1800 = 100 %)
1.	London	half dozen,558	762
ii.	New York	vi,637	x,535
iii.	Paris	3,453	631
iv.	Berlin	3,328	1,935
five.	Tokyo	ii,815	411
6.	Chicago	two,420	Established after 1800
seven.	Vienna	one,918	830
8.	Saint-Petersburg	one,913	870
9.	Moscow	1,557	628
x.	Philadelphia	i,692	2,488
11.	Buenos Aires	i,596	iv,694
12.	Manchester	one,519	1,875
13.	Birmingham	1,429	2,013
fourteen.	Osaka	i,097	286
15.	Calcutta	ane,238	764
xvi.	Boston	1,269	iii,626
17.	Liverpool	1,224	ane,611
xviii.	Hamburg	1,183	1,011
19.	Glasgow	1,041	1,239
20.	Constantinople	555	97
21.	Rio de Janeiro	1,046	2,377
22.	Bombay	940	671
23.	Budapest	996	1844
24.	Beijing	–100	–nine
25.	Shanghai	910	1011
	City	Absolute population growth during the xix th century, thousands	Relative population growth during the 19 th century, % (population in 1800 = 100 %)
26.	Warsaw	831	1108
27.	St. Louis	804	2
28.	Tianjin	655	504
29.	Pittsburgh	774	51567
30.	Cairo	649	295

Source: Chandler 1987.

Tabular array 3. xxx largest cities of the world in 1800 and in 1914 (cities of Europe and the United states of america are printed in assuming type)

1800			1914
Urban center	State	Population in 1800, thousands	City	State	Population in 1914, thousands
Beijing	Cathay	i,100	London	Great Great britain	7,419
London	Nifty U.k.	861	New York	the Us	6,700
Canton	China	800	Paris	France	four,000
Edo	Japan	685	Berlin	Deutschland	3,500
Constantinople	the Ottoman Empire	570	Tokyo	Japan	three,500
Paris	France	547	Chicago	the USA	2,420
Naples	Kingdom of Naples	430	Vienna	Austria	two,149
Hangzhou	China	387	Saint-Petersburg	Russia	2,133
Osaka	Japan	383	Moscow	Russia	1,805
Kyoto	Nihon	377	Philadelphia	the United states	1,760
Moscow	Russia	248	Buenos Aires	Argentine republic	ane,630
Suzhou	Cathay	243	Manchester	United kingdom	ane,600
Lucknow	India (Great U.k.)	240	Birmingham	Great United kingdom of great britain and northern ireland	ane,500
Lisbon	Portugal	237	Osaka	Japan	1,480
Vienna	Austria	231	Calcutta	India	1,400
Xian	Communist china	224	Boston	the U.s.a.	1,304
Saint-Petersburg	Russia	220	Liverpool	Keen Britain	1,300
Amsterdam	Netherlands	195	Hamburg	Frg	1,300
Seoul	Korea	194	Glasgow	Bang-up Great britain	1,125
Murshidabad	India (Peachy Britain)	190	Constantinople	the Ottoman Empire	ane,125
Cairo	Arab republic of egypt	186	Rio de Janeiro	Brazil	1,090
Madrid	Spain	182	Bombay	India	1,080
Benares	Bharat (Swell United kingdom)	179	Budapest	Republic of hungary	1,050
Amarapura	Burma	175	Beijing	China	1,000
Hyderabad	Republic of india (Bang-up United kingdom)	175	Shanghai	China	1,000
Berlin	Federal republic of germany	172	Warsaw	Poland	906
Patna	India (Great U.k.)	170	St. Louis	the Usa	804
Dublin	Republic of ireland	165	Tianjin	China	785
Kintechen	Red china	164	Pittsburgh	the USA	775
Calcutta	Republic of india (Great Britain)	162	Cairo	Arab republic of egypt	735

Source: Chandler 1987.

While in 1800 simply three out of the world's ten largest cities were located in Europe, in 1914 9 out of ten largest cities belonged to the European region or the Usa. The only exception, Tokyo, supports the general rule, as Japan was the nearly successful case of the European-manner modernization exterior the European world.

The dynamics of the total population of the thirty largest cities of the world between 1800 and 1914 was explosion-like (see Fig. 5). Data on the population growth in the seven largest cities of the world in 1800–1914 are presented in Fig. 6.

The Emergence of Modernistic-Blazon Cities

Sanitary infrastructure. For much of the nineteenth century the death rates in urban areas remained extremely high, peculiarly considering baby and child mortality. For example, in British industrial cities of Lancashire and Cheshire 198 out of 1,000 children died before their first altogether – twice more than in rural areas (Bairoch 1988: 67). In the French urban center of Lille, ane-quarter of children died before the age of three years (Lees and Lees 2007: 143). A similar state of affairs had been observed in many other industrial cities in Europe. The main reasons for high mortality were muddy and unsanitary conditions in the streets and houses (especially in the poor working-class neighborhoods), and even the contagion of the air of industrial cities was unbearable (Schultz 1989: 112). Gradually, in the second half of the nineteenth century, diverse solutions were offered to the problems of urban sanitation infrastructure. Thus, private wells by fundamental public water supply. By the end of the nineteenth century more than 40 of the 50 largest Usa cities had extensive water systems created and maintained past the state (Schultz 1989: 164). Previous ways of waste disposal (office of it was taken past farmers for fertilizing, but a significant portion was disposed of in a completely unsanitary manner – due east.thou., dumped and poured in the outskirts of the city) were overtaken by modern sewerage systems. These 2 phenomena (forth with street paving, improvement of public lighting, etc.) played a crucial role in the development of cities and the refuse of urban bloodshed.

Public transportation. Cities with hundreds of thousands citizens were confronted with the problem of organizing a transport network. Indeed, in contrast to the medieval craftsmen, industrial workers lived and worked in different places, and so most of them had to commute every mean solar day. Co-ordinate to Paul Bairoch, the public transport system was born in 1828 in Paris (which and so counted more than 800,000 people) when the city installed its first omnibus line. From Paris the public transport arrangement spread throughout the Western earth. Already in 1829, inspired by the success of Paris, London followed its example, and in 1831 New York did the same. In the next two decades the public transport system appeared in nigh all the major cities in Europe and North America. Public transport rapidly gained popularity. Past the cease of the 1850s omnibuses in London and Paris carried 40 million passengers annually (Bairoch 1988: 281; Clark 2009: 273). In the 1850s the rail urban transport began to actively expand. The first electric tram was demonstrated by Siemens in 1879 and started working in Frankfurt in 1881. Electrification contributed to the development of the undercover urban ship – on the eve of the Kickoff World War metro lines were functioning in 12 cities of the earth, such as London (since 1863), New York (1868), Istanbul (1875), Budapest (1897), Glasgow (1897), Vienna (1898), Paris (1900), Boston (1901), Berlin (1902), Philadelphia (1907) Hamburg (1912), Buenos Aires (1913) (Bairoch 1988: 282).

Urban infrastructure. An important novelty of the nineteenth century was the idea of planning the urban landscape. The initiative belonged to Prussia where in 1808 each municipality was obliged to constitute a edifice committee, responsible for street paving and drainage systems, as well as for the condition of sidewalks (Lees and Lees 2007: 123).

An integral part of the modern cities was constituted by numerous shops, especially large section stores, many of which (Le Bon Marché, the first department store, which opened in Paris in 1852, London's Selfridge, etc.) go along to operate today. Almost every major Western European city (as well as many small towns) for a certain period of the nineteenth century experienced a real blast in the opening of stores. For example, in Uk their number grew by 300 per cent in the starting time half of the nineteenth century. In Vienna the number of stores tripled in 1870–1902, while in Paris it increased eightfold (Clark 2009: 266).

Significant changes were taking identify non only in the public space of cities, but also in individual homes. By the middle of the nineteenth century rich American and European homes had running water; later this innovation appeared in the houses of the middle class. 93 percent of London houses had running water on the eve of the First World War (Clark 2009: 272). A change in house planning implied a separate room for hygiene procedures, which undoubtedly contributed to the decline in mortality from infectious diseases (Schultz 1989: 164).

References

Bairoch, P. 1988. Cities and Economic Development. From the Dawn of History to the Present. Chicago: The Academy of Chicago Press.

Chandler, T. 1987. Iv Thousand Years of Urban Growth: An Historical Demography. Lewiston, NY: The Edwin Mellen Printing.

Clark, P. 2009. European Cities and Towns: 400–2000. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Hamerow, T. D. 1989. The Birth of a New Europe. State and Club in the Nineteenth Century. Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press.

Lees, A., and Lees, L. H. 2007. Cities and the Making of Modern Europe, 1750–1914. New York: Cambridge Academy Press.

Modelski, G. 2003. World Cities: –3000 to 2000. Washington: FAROS 2000.

Schultz, South. 1000. 1989. Constructing Urban Culture: American Cities and City Planning, 1800 – 1920. Philadelphia: Temple Academy Press.

United nations Population Division. 2016. Un. Department of Economic and Social Diplomacy. Population Division Database. URL: http://world wide web.united nations.org/esa/population.

Vries, J., de. 1984. European Urbanization 1500–1800. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

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* This research has been supported past Russian Science Foundation (project No fifteen-18-30063).

Source: https://www.SocioStudies.org/almanac/articles/the_nineteenth-century/

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